Doubts Arise Over Pezeshkian’s Stance on Baha’i Rights in Iran

The new president of Iran, Masoud Pezeshkian, spoke about his commitment to supporting religious minorities in his election promises.

He said in an interview: "If I were in the place of religious minorities, I would not have a good feeling towards the authorities." He emphasized that the solution to the country's problems lies in the unity of religions and ethnicities.

However, it remains unclear whether Pezeshkian genuinely intends to support followers of all religions or, like his predecessors over the past 45 years, he will focus only on the three religions recognized in the constitution of the Islamic Republic: Zoroastrianism, Christianity, and Judaism.

Iranians who follow the Baha'i faith, the largest religious minority in the country, have faced severe discrimination since the Islamic Republic's founding. It is uncertain whether they are included in the president's promises.

So far, Pezeshkian has not made any direct comments about the Baha'is. In an interview, he mentioned that at the beginning of the 1979 revolution, he was responsible for "cleansing" hospitals and universities in Tabriz, which led to the dismissal of many Baha'i citizens from their teaching and medical positions.

One notable individual affected was Faramarz Samandari, a renowned Baha'i doctor and one of the world's top specialists in microscopic ear surgeries. After returning to Tabriz from Canada in 1980, Samandari was arrested and later executed for following the Baha'i faith.

Although Pezeshkian has not officially addressed the Baha'i citizens, his deputy and advisor, Mohammad Javad Zarif, has frequently used the term "official religions" when explaining the president's words. This emphasis on "official" suggests that the recognized religions in the constitution are the only ones acknowledged, implying that Baha'i citizens will continue to be denied citizenship rights under the new government.

Zarif, a close ally of Pezeshkian during the election and now the strategic deputy of the president, has a history of involvement with the anti-Baha'i Hojjatieh Association. As Minister of Foreign Affairs, he repeatedly denied the violation of Baha'i rights in Iran, asserting that "No Baha'i person is in prison for the crime of being a Baha'i."

The Islamic Republic has a structural issue with the Baha'i community. Article 13 of the constitution recognizes only Zoroastrian, Jewish, and Christian Iranians as religious minorities, leading to systemic discrimination against Baha'is and depriving them of basic citizenship rights.

This constitutional principle has enabled the government to consistently violate Baha'is' rights over the past 45 years, reducing them to second and third-class citizens. Therefore, it is unlikely that a change in the head of the executive branch will alter the government's treatment of the Baha'is.

The general stance of the Islamic Republic towards Baha'is is outlined in a directive from the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution dated February 25, 1991. This resolution, approved by Ali Khamenei, states that Baha'is should be allowed to "provide means of livelihood to the normal extent that is provided to all members of the nation" but emphasizes that "the system's dealings with them should be such that their advancement and development are blocked." It also stipulates that Baha'is should be banned from universities if their faith is discovered upon entry or during their studies.

During his presidency, Mohammad Khatami attempted to alleviate international pressure on Iran regarding the violation of Baha'i citizens' rights.

One significant issue was the denial of higher education to Baha'is. Khatami introduced a provision that allowed Baha'i students to participate in the national university entrance exams for the first time since the Cultural Revolution and the mass expulsion of Baha'i professors and students.

Hossein Mehrpour, advisor to the president and head of the commission to monitor the implementation of the constitution during Khatami's administration, wrote: "It was suggested that in the application form for the national exam, instead of asking about the candidates' religion, a question should be posed in such a way that if the questions pertain to non-Islamic education, candidates should specify if they are Jewish, Christian, or Zoroastrian. Consequently, without requiring candidates to state their religion, Baha'i individuals could register and participate in the entrance examination without declaring their affiliation to one of the official religions. This was implemented in the 2004 entrance exam, and according to reports, about 700 to 800 Baha'is participated, with approximately 400 to 500 passing and being allowed to choose a field of study."

Despite this opportunity, Baha'is continued to be denied the right to study at Iranian universities based on the Supreme Cultural Council's decision. Over the past two decades, if a Baha'is identity was discovered by security institutions like the Ministry of Intelligence or university security, they were expelled and deprived of university education.

Khatami's initiative was meant to demonstrate to the world that the Islamic Republic had addressed the denial of Baha'is' right to education by allowing them to participate in entrance exams. However, this effort encountered legal obstacles from the start and ultimately failed.

Baha'i citizens in Iran have continued to face educational discrimination over the last two decades.

Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic, various governments with differing political ideologies have managed the country. However, all these governments have consistently suppressed and violated Baha'is' citizenship rights. Within Iran, Baha'is have been denied human and citizenship rights, such as the right to education, the right to conduct business, the right to perform funeral ceremonies, and the right to freedom of expression. Meanwhile, abroad, these governments have portrayed themselves as human rights supporters, denying the discrimination against Baha'is within the country.

The 45-year history of the Islamic Republic shows that despite changes in government, the violation of Baha'i citizens' rights has remained constant. At certain times, based on the Islamic Republic's general policies, the repression of Baha'is has either decreased or increased, but it has never been completely stopped.