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Politics

Revolutionary Guards Push “New Hezbollah” in Iraq

July 27, 2016
Reza HaghighatNejad
5 min read
Commander Ghasem Soleimani and Badr Brigade's commander Hadi al Amiri in Iraq
Commander Ghasem Soleimani and Badr Brigade's commander Hadi al Amiri in Iraq
Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi is the Commander-in-Chief of Iraqi Armed Forces
Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi is the Commander-in-Chief of Iraqi Armed Forces
  • Iran exerts its military power as Revolutionary Guards-funded group officially absorbed into Iraq’s military forces
  • Iraq forces and paramilitary group al-Hashd fought against ISIS
  • al-Hashd (or “People’s Mobilization”) group gaining political influence in Iraq
  • Troops from the Shia militia could also be deployed to Syria to support the al-Assad regime.
     

Iran’s military regularly congratulates itself on its increasing power and dominance in the region. And now, with Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi’s recent announcement that Shia paramilitary group al-Hashd al-Sha’abi is now officially part of the Iraqi military, these claims seem to be at least somewhat substantiated. The al-Hashd (People's Mobilization) group has enjoyed the direct support of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, arguably making the Guards one of Iran’s export success stories — and establishing Iran’s power in the region.

Tehran-based Al Alam News Agency reported that, as part of the Iraqi forces, the People’s Mobilization group will fall under the supervision of Prime Minister al-Abadi, who is officially commander-in-chief of the Iraqi military. 

In reality, al-Hashd has been working with Iraqi forces for some time. In 2015, when Iraqi forces drove ISIS out from Tikrit and retook the city, the Iraqi government agreed that the group was essentially part of the Iraqi armed forces and should be treated as such.  

The government announcement comes amidst pressure to dissolve the paramilitary group, partially because they have not always fully agreed on the implementation of all military operations. During the Tikrit operations, al-Hashd commanders had argued that they did not need help from US forces — but Prime Minister al-Abadi did not agree. Bringing the group into the fold of the Iraqi military gives al-Abadi greater control over the group’s operations. 

Another Basij

In Persian, the word for “mobilization” is “basij." The Iranian paramilitary Basij Resistance Force is part of the Revolutionary Guards. Iranian media regularly refer to al-Hashd as the Iraqi People’s Basij, though in Iraq, the group is called the “Iranian al-Hashd”. Iranian military advisors organize the group along the lines of Lebanon’s Hezbollah.

The group’s origins go back to a fatwa handed down by Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the spiritual leader of Iraqi Shias, in June 2014. Al-Sistani called on his followers to defend Iraqi cities and participate in operations against ISIS. 

But it has been General Ghasem Soleimani, the commander of the Iranian expeditionary Quds Force — the special forces of the Revolutionary Guards — who has played the major role in shaping al-Hashd. “There is no doubt that Iran has supervised the creation of this group,” the Lebanese newspaper Al Akhbar reported in June 2015. Iran, it said, “supervised its organization, its training and its arming — and it still does.”

Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the vice president of al-Hashd, refers to Ghasem Soleimani as “the commander.” In July 2015 he told Al Akhbar,“Grand Ayatollah Khamenei has ordered our brothers in the Revolutionary Guards to support al-Hashd al-Sha’abi. The Guards support us in armaments and ammunition and also advise us in operational plans.”

Even before al-Hashd was formed, Iran had created smaller military groups, including Saraya al-Khorasani, which was run by Revolutionary Guards Commander Hamid Taghavi. With al-Hashd, Iran has gained an unprecedented opening to expand its political and military influence in Iraq.

Al-Hashd has also helped Iran to defend its own borders. On April 17, 2016, Ahmad Reza Pourdastan, commander of the Iranian ground forces, reported that the army had successfully destroyed ISIS outposts near the Iranian border with the help of al-Hashd.

The paramilitary group has also played a role in Iraqi politics. In February 2016, al-Hashd appealed to the Iraqi people, asking for them to respect the ballot box and the constitution in order to stage an effective fight against terrorism. It has also weighed in on questions of Iraq’s governmental structural and its ability to solve the country’s political crisis — solutions that could benefit Iranian interests if they go the group’s way. 

 

Into the Syrian Civil War 

In recent weeks there have been reports that al-Hashd troops might be dispatched to Syria to fight in that country’s civil war and help prop up Bashar al-Assad’s government. Lebanese news website el-Nashra published an article on July 14 claiming the next major battlefield in the war would be the region east of Aleppo, and that al-Hashd could help Iran, Russia and Lebanese Hezbollah in upcoming battles in the area.

In March 2015, Human Rights Watch accused al-Hashd Al-Sha'abi of war crimes. Sunni-dominated Arab countries have also condemned the group. Bahrain’s Foreign Minister Khalid bin Ahmed Al Khalifa has called it the “cursed sectarian force,” while Saudi Foreign Minister Adel bin Ahmed Al-Jubeir has accused it of fanning the fire of sectarianism and demanded the group be dissolved. The governments of both Iraq and Iran have rejected any such requests. And Iran would certainly not give up such a valuable tool so easily. As the group gains in strength, it could prove useful in future dealings with  Saudi Arabia or Bahrain.

It is not just the press that has recognized the growing influence of al-Hashd. On May 4, Tehran University hosted a gathering under the label “Achievements of al-Hashd al-Sha’abi,” which showcased the successes of the paramilitary group against ISIS. 

The real success, however, can be attributed to Iran. With al-Hashd, it has essentially managed to create another Hezbollah in Iraq.

Iranian officials might not be able to boast success in exporting the 2009 Islamic Revolution — but they can argue they are doing an effective job of exporting the Revolutionary Guards across the region, in Lebanon, Yemen, Syria, and Iraq. 

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