Rouhani at the UN: Fighting on Two Fronts

Before his speech to the UN General Assembly on September 20, President Rouhani faced a two-pronged attack. On the domestic front, General Mohammad Ali Jafari, commander of the Revolutionary Guards, called on him to deliver a “clear, decisive and revolutionary” response to President Trump’s speech to the assembly on September 19. On the other front, in the course of his controversial speech, Donald Trump threatened Iran and the nuclear agreement, the biggest achievement of Rouhani’s first term.

Rouhani’s speech was effectively a response to both attacks, and an attempt to neutralize their impact. To escape the wrath of Tehran’s hardliners, he launched an attack on Israel, calling it a “rogue and racist regime” that “threatens regional and global security with its nuclear arsenal.” Furthermore, he said, Israel was not committed to international mechanisms or safeguards, and expressed disgust that its leaders had “the audacity to preach” and put the country forward as a peaceful nation.

“Good” Missiles

Elsewhere in his speech, Rouhani defended Iran’s missile program which, he said, was concentrated on “solely defensive deterrents for the maintenance of regional peace and stability and the prevention of adventurist tendencies of irrational aspirants.” Choosing his battle rhetoric carefully, he put forth a case for the Islamic Republic’s military stance. “Today, we are on the frontline of fighting terror and religious extremism in the Middle East, not for sectarian or ethnic reasons, but for an ethical, humanitarian and strategic ones,” Rouhani said. Although these kinds of statements might not necessarily be described as revolutionary in the Iranian context, they are bound to make the military establishment happy.

In his retaliation against Trump, Rouhani was well-equipped. He attacked the US president, accusing him of delivering a speech not fit for purpose. “The ignorant, absurd and hateful rhetoric,” he said, “filled with ridiculously baseless allegations, that was uttered before this august body yesterday, was not only unfit to be heard at the United Nations – which was established to promote peace and respect between nations – but indeed contradicted the demands of our nations from this world body to bring governments together to combat war and terror.”

An Invitation to Foreign Investors

In his speech, Rouhani adopted a reasonable and calm tone in a bid to portray a reliable, solid image of Iran. He assured his audience that Iran would remain faithful to the nuclear agreement, or the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) as it is officially known, and invited foreign investors to benefit from “the world’s largest gas and oil reserves,” at the same time emphasizing that Iran was “prepared to engage in long-term cooperation to advance global energy security.” He outlined the potential opportunities Iran could offer: “We are eager to expand international transit corridors through joint ventures in sea, rail and road infrastructure projects. Our achievements in enhancing economic infrastructures in the fields of a nation-wide gas pipeline, national electricity grid, and rail and road transport have made it possible for various industries to produce at lower cost, with easy access to national and regional markets. With the current conducive legal environment, many delegations of foreign investors have come to Iran, leading to an ever-increasing number of investments, joint ventures and financing agreements in various fields.”

Rouhani was careful to point out the improvements in Iran’s economy under his leadership, and the country’s ability to weather sanctions. “Over the past four years, Iran’s economy demonstrated that it has unparalleled potential for expansion and growth,” he said in his address. “Not only did economic sanctions not impede Iran, but they solidified the popular resolve to enhance domestic production. Achieving the highest global growth rate last year proved that the Iranian economy can become the most vibrant emerging economy within the next 20 years, with a trillion-dollar growth potential. Our strategic choice for achieving such sustainable and balanced growth is extensive global partnership. We are of the firm belief that development and security can only grow together, and common interests can bind us regionally and globally to guarantee both regional and global security.”

But Rouhani did not explain how the strategy of “extensive global partnership” might be reconciled with the Ayatollah Khamenei and the Revolutionary Guards’  constant bluster aimed at western governments and countries in the region.

A Message for the Region 

The president adopted the same moderate and reassuring tone when talking about Iran’s role in the Middle East, especially when he declared: “Iran does not seek to restore its ancient empire, impose its official religion on others, or export its revolution through the force of arms. We will never seek to export [our revolution and culture] in the way neo-colonialists do, with the heavy boots of soldiers.”

This message was clearly meant for Iran’s neighbors, and especially for Arab countries. Earlier this year, Rouhani delivered a speech with the same general message — one of restraint, which irks the hardliners because they see a clear advantage in exporting the revolution. 

At the UN, Rouhani did not miss the chance to present a detailed record of his accomplishments within Iran in order to demonstrate that he has enough power and authority to follow through on his programs — although he did rely on a fair amount of wrong and inaccurate information.

On foreign policy, Rouhani claimed he welcomed “constructive engagement,” adding that the Iranian government “considers dialogue and negotiations based on a positive-sum paradigm as the only path towards the resolution of global and regional crises.”

Bragging About Human Rights

Rouhani also took the opportunity to extend the reach of Iran’s global public relations, bragging that his administration had drawn up a “Charter of Citizens’ Rights,” which it was in the process of implementing. What he failed to mention was that it is only Iran’s executive branch that is bound by and loyal to this charter. Other branches of the Islamic Republic system — the judiciary, the police, and the Revolutionary Guards — consistently violate human rights. They do not recognize the charter, and they do not abide by it.

His speech also borrowed from Iranian history in an attempt to promote the image of the Islamic Republic. “Throughout its history,” Rouhani told the General Assembly, “Iran has been the bastion of tolerance for various religions and ethnicities. We are the same people who rescued the Jews from Babylonian servitude; opened our arms to welcome Armenian Christians in our midst, and created the ‘Iranian cultural continent’ with a unique mix of diverse religions and ethnicities.” However, again, he failed to explain how this image of Iran could be reconciled with other accounts of Iranian policy, including the treatment of Iran’s Baha’is, the country’s largest minority, who endure harsh discrimination, are labeled “unclean," are forced to endure their properties being forfeited, and banned from pursuing university education. 

Iran’s Syrian Hypocrisy

When it came to Syria and the Middle East, the president attacked US policies in the region. “The crises in Syria, Yemen and Bahrain do not have military solutions and can only be resolved through the cessation of hostilities, and the acceptance of the will and wishes of the populaces.” But again he fell short, failing to explain why Iran’s own policy in Syria is based solely on war.

“It is the policy of my government to continue to steadily enhance the entrepreneurial environment, protect intellectual property rights, continuously improve corporate governance, and engage in a robust campaign against money-laundering in order to enhance a conducive legal climate for business and economic investments in various fields, particularly in knowledge-based enterprises,” Rouhani told the UN, using language many members of his audience would have found appealing, but also somewhat disconcerting. After all, his comments are at odds with the truth of Iran’s business environment and economy, which is shaped by the Revolutionary Guards’ monopoly on Iran’s economic sectors — and marred by the Guards’ willingness to engage in money-laundering and arrest businessmen in order to secure dominance.

“The Iranian nation is resolutely determined to build a free and advanced Iran and participate in the development of a secure and stable region based on ethics and respect for international law,” he told his audience, perhaps setting himself up in direct contrast with the US leader. “In this endeavor, we welcome the participation and cooperation of all investors, intellectuals and innovators from across the globe. From this global podium, and as the representative of the people of Iran – who are world-famous for their hospitality – I invite all those who seek peace, security and progress through partnership and cooperation among nations to visit Iran and join us in building this future of hope.”

But Iran’s “hospitality” is a foreign concept to many, of course, including jailed dual nationals Baquer and Siamak Namazi or Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe. They and several others have been sentenced to long prison sentences on bogus charges.

Given Rouhani’s contradictory statements and his refusal to be specific about the JCPOA, it seems unlikely that his speech will hold much weight from a diplomatic point of view, or that it will lead to Trump’s administration applying less pressure on Iran. However, Trump is often seen as a tool of Israel within Iran, and so in domestic terms, Rouhani rubbing Trump up the wrong way does have its advantages, even among moderates and reformists. And Rouhani is becoming well versed in grabbing the opportunity to use generalizations and grand proclamations as stalling tactics, a way of biding time until a more promising environment presents itself to the president.