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Politics

The Shah's Palace, 50 Years Before the Hamas Attack

October 30, 2023
Faramarz Davar
8 min read
Exactly 50 years before the Hamas terrorist group attacked Israel on October 7, Egypt and Syria, with the support of other Arab countries, launched what became known as the Yom Kippur War
Exactly 50 years before the Hamas terrorist group attacked Israel on October 7, Egypt and Syria, with the support of other Arab countries, launched what became known as the Yom Kippur War
On the morning of October 7, 1973, which coincided with the Jewish holiday Yom Kippur, Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack on Israel that bore similarities with Hamas's attack exactly 50 years late
On the morning of October 7, 1973, which coincided with the Jewish holiday Yom Kippur, Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack on Israel that bore similarities with Hamas's attack exactly 50 years late

Exactly 50 years before the Hamas terrorist group attacked Israel on October 7, Egypt and Syria, with the support of other Arab countries, launched what became known as the Yom Kippur War. 

This article explores Iran's responses to a significant regional crisis that unfolded near the country’s borders in 1973.

***

Despite the ongoing threats to Israel from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and the heavy Palestinian casualties caused by militias supported by the Islamic Republic, especially Hamas, Iran's policy prior to the 1979 Islamic Revolution was to support the Palestinians’ rights and exert influence over Israel through commercial and consular relations, as well as the supply of oil.

On the morning of October 7, 1973, which coincided with the Jewish holiday Yom Kippur, Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack on Israel that bore similarities with Hamas's attack exactly 50 years later. 

In the initial hours of the attack, Egyptian forces crossed the Suez Canal and engaged in a fierce battle with Israeli forces in the Sinai desert.

In Tehran, nearly 2,000 kilometers away from Tel Aviv, the Iranian foreign minister held daily meetings with the Shah at 11 o'clock in the morning. 

During these encounters, the minister reported on recent developments and sought the Shah's counsel while receiving relevant orders.

When the Shah was traveling, a special courier would convey the report, and if the minister was on a foreign mission, the deputy minister of foreign affairs would visit the monarch to fulfill the minister's duties during his absence. 

At the time of the attack on Israel, Abbas Ali Khaltabari, the foreign minister of Iran at that time, was in New York to participate in the United Nations General Assembly and subsequently traveled to Argentina. 

Ahmad Mirfendereski, his deputy, had the responsibility to inform the Shah.

At dawn, the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs notified Mirfendereski by phone that the Egyptians had crossed the Suez Canal and were advancing into the Sinai Peninsula.

A few hours later, during their scheduled meeting, Mirfendereski informed the Shah in his palace. 

"It seemed the Shah received the news with surprise and admiration as if he hadn't expected this at all. His reaction was succinct: 'Wait and see,'" according to Mirfendereski. 

The conflict between Egyptian and Israeli forces in the Sinai desert continued into the second day. 

Upon receiving Mirfendereski's daily report, the Shah asked him to send a congratulatory telegram to Anwar Sadat, the president of Egypt at the time and a close friend.

The Shah's initial response was to praise Egypt. 

Later that evening, the Soviet ambassador informed the Shah that Moscow intended to send food, medicine and other aid to Arab soldiers via Baghdad.

In the absence of the foreign minister, Mirfendereski attended the meeting.

"His Highness pondered and inquired, 'Why must it be transported by plane? Can't it be sent by train or truck? We have excellent roads in Iran.' I was given the task to further investigate the matter. It was around 7:00 p.m. when the Soviet ambassador called, requesting permission for six planes carrying spare parts for their air fleet in Baghdad to go though Iranian airspace."

Mirfendereski made a phone call to the palace, only to learn that the Shah was at the palace of the queen's mother for dinner.

"I conveyed the request to them over the phone and they responded affirmatively, granting permission. However, they emphasized that this would be a one-time exception."

During the 1968 Six-Day War between Israel and its neighbors, Iran allowed Soviet warplanes to use Iranian airspace to help the Arab nations.

After the war started, then-Foreign Minister Ardeshir Zahedi met with his Israeli counterpart, Abba Eban, on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly.

He expressed his belief that "a resolution to the regional crisis could be found through dialogue to avoid the horrors of war and unnecessary bloodshed."

This encounter took place at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel in New York. 

Aban approached Zahedi with a private and confidential request to visit Tehran. Zahedi's response was: "I desire the swift implementation of peace and the realization of Resolution 242. Instead of a secretive visit to Tehran, we can welcome you with an official meeting, a red carpet, and open arms, as colleagues."

Although Iran did not accept the Israeli minister's request to visit Tehran, in September 1969, approximately a year after the Six-Day War, Youssef Najjar, a representative of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), was officially hosted in the Iranian capital.

During the trip of PLO leader Yasser Arafat to New York to address the General Assembly, the Iranian ambassador to the United States sent him flowers. 

During this period, PLO representatives received financial aid from Iran on several occasions, while the Palestinian group provided military training to the Shah's opposition groups.

At the time, Iran officially demanded Israel's withdrawal to pre-Six Day War borders and insisted that no religion should have exclusive control over Jerusalem. 

Fereydoun Zandfard, a member of Iran's delegation to the United Nations, acknowledged Israel's de facto existence and declared, "Iran stands as one of the champions of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, with a policy distinct from that of the broader Arab world."

During the Yom Kippur War, Mirfendereski contemplated Iran's general policy and the actions taken five years earlier when Iran didn't block Soviet military aid. 

This led him to ask himself how strict Iran should be regarding civilian planes carrying medical and health supplies. Around this time, the Legal Department of Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs received a request from the Soviet embassy for permission to fly 32 planes.

"For a moment, I felt torn between two states of mind,” according to Mirfendereski. “A person should either find peace with their conscience or be filled with anger. If anger prevails, it can be a harsh punishment. So, it's better to seek reconciliation, even if it comes at a price. 

"I summoned the air operator and said, 'Let them fly.' I recall the secret agent looking at me and asking, 'With whose permission?' I replied, 'Yes, with my permission.' He asked me to sign.

"At the earliest opportunity, I informed the prime minister, Mr. Amir Abbas Hoveyda, who considered me a close friend. He asked me, 'Do you regret it?' I said, 'No.'"

It is likely that the Shah's telegram to Anwar Sadat and the praise of Egypt and Syria's attack on Israel played a significant role in Mirfendereski's decision. 

The minister was still on a foreign mission at that time, and Mirfendereski needed to provide him with the latest reports on the following Wednesday, a day after the Soviet ambassador's meeting with the Shah.

"On Wednesday, after hearing the report on current affairs, His Highness strolled toward the window overlooking Saad Abad Park. There, behind my back, he said, 'You allowed six planes, but now it's 32 planes?' 

"I explained that these airplanes were carrying food and medical supplies. Suddenly, with a swift military gesture, he turned and looked at me, saying, 'What will happen if the Russians come here?' 

"The distress I felt was akin to a searing iron going through my body. I quickly responded, 'Your Highness, they won't be placing a crown on my head, that's for sure!' 

"He appeared displeased. I reassured him [...]"

On that same day, the Shah ordered that the Soviet ambassador's request be revoked, explaining that the permission for 32 planes had been canceled, and the original request for six planes would suffice.

Mirfendereski was instructed to ask the foreign minister to return to Tehran immediately, regardless of his location. Mirfendereski was subsequently dismissed.

The Shah held a stance against Israel, supporting health and food aid for the Palestinians but was wary of potential Russian involvement.

During the war, Israel bombed Egypt, Syria and Lebanon, occupied Syria’s Golan Heights and advanced into Egypt.

In this period, the Soviet Union provided military aid to the Arab states, while the United States supplied Israel with heavy weaponry.

Iran had de facto recognized Israel's existence on March 5, 1950. High-ranking officials from both Iran and Israel regularly visited each other's countries in private.

At the same time, Iran maintained strong relations with Egypt and other Arab nations. The attack by Egypt and Syria marked the second such assault on Israel. The Shah had faced a similar situation five years earlier.

Iran's policies during this time were characterized by both close relations with Israel and a staunch defense of Palestinian rights. 

In the past, during the 1957 Sinai War, which led to Israel's occupation of the Sinai Desert and the blocking of the Suez Canal, Iran not only did not join the Arab oil embargo against Israel but also started selling oil to Israel.

The Eilat-Ashkelon Pipeline Company, which transported Iranian crude oil from the port of Eilat to Ashkelon, was an Iranian-Israeli joint venture that supplied part of Israel's energy needs. 

Eight years prior to the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the Egyptian government officially lauded Iran's foreign policy and hailed the Shah as a leader who sought to bring an end to Israel's aggression.

Meir Ezri, Israel's ambassador in Tehran, recounted a meeting with Abbas Ali Khaltabari, Iran's Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, held on March 7, 1971. 

In response to Israel's protest against Iran's support for the Palestinians, Khaltabari stated, "We desire a strong Israel, but regardless of your actions, you must return to the borders preceding the Six-Day War."

Iran's position demonstrated its commitment to balancing its relationship with Israel while supporting Palestinian rights.

Ardeshir Zahedi, who served as Iran's foreign minister from 1965 to 1970, believed that "acknowledging Palestinian rights doesn't contradict respecting Israel's official borders and security."

In his recollections of his time as foreign minister, Zahedi conveyed a candid message to the Shah, stating, "I firmly advised Your Highness against taking sides with the Arab nations...I always held the belief that unless the Palestinian people receive their rights, the Middle East will remain engulfed in the flames of perpetual war and insecurity."

This policy persisted not only throughout Zahedi's tenure but also until the very last days of the Shah’s government. 

Iran's approach to the Palestinian issue before the Revolution proved to be more effective and of higher quality compared to the policy of the Islamic Republic.

The policies of the Islamic government, aside from causing destruction, loss of land and waste of life, have put the issue of Palestine into the hands of terrorist groups like Hamas and Islamic Jihad which have not brought any benefit to the Palestinians.

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