Why Does Khamenei Continue to Support Corruption-Tainted Ghalibaf?

Despite the many controversies and scandals surrounding Brigadier-General Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, he remains active in politics and enjoys the continued support of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. 

Ghalibaf currently serves as parliament speaker. He formerly held the posts of commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Air Force, chief of the Police Force and mayor of Tehran for 12 years. 

Throughout these years allegations of financial corruption surrounding him and his associates have been widely reported by domestic media and political authorities.

Despite this, he has managed to remain a key figure of the Islamic Republic.

Obedience to Khamenei is arguably the primary reason for Ghalibaf's continued prominence.

Upon Khamenei's directive, he refrained from participating in the 2009 presidential elections. Similarly, he withdrew from the 2017 race in favor of Ebrahim Raisi. 

He did not participate at all in the 2021 elections where Raisi was elected as president.

The relationship between Khamenei and Ghalibaf traces back to the 1990s. Prior to that, Ghalibaf did not have close ties with Iranian rulers. 

Within Khamenei's circle of supporters, he is regarded as a highly adept executive manager, and his presence is deemed necessary for the implementation of leadership initiatives.

In the 1980s

During the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, Ghalibaf was not among the prominent military commanders.

Ghalibaf  served as the commander of the 21 Imam Reza Brigade and the 5 Nasr Army. 

Under Khamenei's leadership, however, he was promoted, and in 1995 was appointed as the commander of the IRGC Khatam-al Anbiya Construction Headquarters.

Under the commandership of Yahya Rahim Safavi, Ghalibaf, along with Ahmad Kazemi and Qasem Soleimani, was promoted to the rank of commander within the IRGC forces.

Assuming command of the IRGC Air Force marked a significant shift for Ghalibaf, igniting his desire to become a pilot and adopt a new persona.

In 2000, Ahmed Kazemi succeeded him at the IRGC Air Force, while Ghalibaf assumed command of the Islamic Republic’s police force.

During this period, he endeavored to cultivate the image of a modern soldier and assert himself as an energetic commander.

The Final Days of the 2005 Elections

In the 2005 presidential elections, Ghalibaf emerged as a primary contender in Khamenei's estimation. 

Before the vote, reports were circulating in Ghalibaf's headquarters regarding the presence of Mojtaba Khamenei, Khamenie's son.

However, in the final days, the tide shifted in favor of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Mehdi Karroubi, another candidate, mentioned in a letter that Mojtaba Khamenei had been supporting Ghalibaf, but just three days before the elections, fortunes changed abruptly, favoring another candidate.

Following the first round of elections, Ghalibaf held discussions with Mehdi Karroubi and Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, reportedly urging them to withdraw from the race so he could directly compete with Ahmadinejad in the second round. 

Ghalibaf argued that he was the only viable contender against Ahmadinejad and that the presence of these two would ensure Ahmadinejad's victory.

During the same elections, allegations of corruption involving Ghalibaf were raised within the police force, yet this issue did not receive substantial public attention after the polls.

After the elections, while Ahmadinejad tried to make one of his associates as his successor as Tehran mayor, Ghalibaf was elected as mayor with direct support from Khamenei. 

This move allowed the supreme leader to maintain full support for Ahmadinejad while creating a rival within the fundamentalist camp.

Throughout Ghalibaf's mayoral tenure, the presence of the IRGC in the municipality significantly expanded.

In 2009, Ghalibaf contemplated running for president again, but Khamenei's office advised against it.

Numerous Cases of Corruption

Despite occasional reports about Ghalibaf's involvement in corruption cases, the height of his corruption came to light through the words of Hasan Rouhani during debates and later during Mohammed Ali Najafi's mayoralty. 

In the 2017 elections, he ultimately stepped down in favor of Raisi, once again demonstrating his obedience.

Rouhani revealed that a 2013 case involved drug and fuel smugglers who had given money to Ghalibaf's headquarters in exchange for leniency for their leaders.

Abdullah Ramezanzadeh, a reformist activist and former spokesman for Mohammad Khatami's government, took to Twitter to urge journalists to investigate the main supporters of Ghalibaf in Sistan and Baluchistan. 

The scandals during Ghalibaf's tenure as mayor of Tehran included cases such as the Shahr Bank case, violations related to high-value properties, misuse of the Municipal Employees' Reserve Fund, and extravagant spending by the municipality during presidential elections.

Morteza Alviri, former mayor of Tehran, also briefly mentioned the economic activities of Qassem Soleimani's wife alongside Ghalibaf's wife.

Scandals During His Tenure as Parliament Speaker

During his tenure as speaker of parliament, several scandals emerged involving Ghalibaf, one of which was the controversy surrounding purported communications with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Initially, Ghalibaf's team announced a planned meeting with Putin, but later Ghalibaf claimed health protocols had prevented such a meeting. 

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic also stated there had been no arrangements made for the meeting.

News also surfaced about the Ghalibaf family's trip to Turkey.

The latest controversy revolved around Eshaq Ghalibaf's stay in Canada, where he attempted to get a residence permit. 

Despite these scandals, Khamenei's support for Ghalibaf remains steadfast, with obedience being the key reason. 

Ghalibaf complied with Khamenei's directives by refraining from competing with Ahmadinejad in the 2009 presidential elections and by withdrawing in favor of Raisi in 2017.

Additionally, among Khamenei's supporters, Ghalibaf is regarded as a more effective administrator, and the supreme leader believes his presence is still necessary.

He remains one of the few individuals close to Khamenei who still has the potential to garner support from other political factions.