One of the surprises in Masoud Pezeshkian’s cabinet is the nomination of Eskandar Momeni as Minister of the Interior.
The choice has raised eyebrows, particularly since other Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commanders, such as Hossein Alaei, had been considered for the position. However, it was evident that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei opposed Alaei’s appointment, just as he did during Hassan Rouhani’s tenure when Alaei was proposed as Minister of Defense.
Hossein Alaei is known among government supporters as a prominent critic of the Islamic Republic’s policies. His open letter following the death of Mohsen Rouholamini in the Kahrizak Detention Center, his December 2011 critique of the mistakes of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi - interpreted as implicit criticism of Khamenei - and his criticism of Iran’s support for Bashar al-Assad, sparked significant anger among some IRGC commanders. These criticisms even led to protests outside his home by military personnel.
In contrast, Eskandar Momeni, a senior IRGC commander, has now been proposed as Minister of the Interior. It appears that, since Hassan Rouhani’s administration, the Ministry of the Interior has been closely aligned with the Speaker of the Parliament. If Abdulreza Rahmani Fazli was linked to Ali Larijani’s influence, Eskandar Momeni seems to be a nominee tied to Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf.
Momeni’s appointment may signal the continuation of the military influence that penetrated the ministry during Ahmad Vahidi’s tenure. However, unlike Vahidi, Momeni does not have an extensive background in security agencies, which could mean he will face fewer conflicts with civilian sectors. In some respects, Iskander Momeni can be likened to Mohammad Mostafa Najjar, who served as Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s interior minister during his second term.
Momeni, 66, from northern Mazandaran, is a commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) who, unlike some of his peers, was not prominent in the front ranks during or after the Iran-Iraq war. However, he played significant roles in various capacities. Momeni was a commander within the 25th Karbala Division, which was under the command of Morteza Ghorbani at one point. During the war, he served as the commander of the Ya-Zahra and Air Defense Battalions and later became the Chief of Staff of the 25th Karbala Special Division.
He frequently references comrades from the war, such as Ali Asghar Khonakdar, who was killed during Operation Valfajr 8, and Hamidreza Ranjbar, who was killed in the Jaffir operational area in 1983. Their names are listed among the “martyrs” of Mazandaran.
Momeni also served as the Chief of Staff of the Malik Ashtar Brigade and was involved in quelling opposition groups in the northern forests of Iran. He led the 10,400 Mazandaran Martyrs Commemoration Congress for a period, further solidifying his ties to the province and its military history.
One of the pivotal roles that brought Momeni closer to key political figures was his command of the police force in Khorasan Razavi province during the tenure of Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf as Iran’s police commander. The province, politically significant and Ghalibaf’s home base, was a strategic position that enabled Momeni to ascend within the political-military hierarchy. He also served as the Deputy Police Chief and the head of the 110 Police Emergency Center under Ghalibaf’s leadership.
Momeni’s tenure as police chief in Khorasan Razavi was marked by several notable incidents, including the controversial case of Saeed Hanaei, known as the “spider killer.” Momeni took credit for capturing Hanaei, who had already committed 12 murders by the time Momeni assumed command. He implemented new investigative techniques that led to Hanaei’s arrest.
During his command, Khorasan Razavi saw several public protests, most notably in Ferdovs in 2002, which were linked to the region’s administrative divisions. Momeni’s response included filing a defamation complaint against Mohammad Hossein Nazeri, the editor of Ferdovs magazine, for allegedly publishing false accusations against the police.
Following his tenure in Khorasan Razavi, Momeni was appointed Deputy of Police Operations. During this period, he dealt with significant security challenges, including armed group activities in eastern Iran, particularly on the Bam-Kerman road.
From 2009 to 2015, Momeni led the NAJA Traffic Police, succeeding Mohammad Rouyanian. His tenure was overshadowed by controversies, including corruption scandals within the traffic police and allegations of corruption in car imports. One of the key conflicts during this time involved a dispute over changes to vehicle license plates. However, unlike Rouyanian, Momeni did not face legal action and instead received a promotion.
In March 2015, Momeni became the successor to Hossein Ashtari, the commander of the police force. The most significant event during his tenure was the nationwide protests in December 2017. A year later, he was appointed head of the Anti-Narcotics Headquarters, following pressure from the Ministry of the Interior, despite Ashtari’s opposition to his departure from NAJA.
During this period, Momeni was also involved in discussions about the formation of the Economic Police and issues related to currency violations, which he identified as a key challenge during his tenure.
In 2018, Hassan Rouhani appointed Momeni as the Secretary of the Anti-Narcotics Headquarters, solidifying his position as a significant figure within Iran’s security apparatus.
The government of Ebrahim Raisi has appointed the largest number of military personnel in its cabinet, surpassing previous administrations of the Islamic Republic. This militarization extends beyond cabinet ministers to include deputies and governors.
Momeni’s Ministry of the Interior will likely ensure that military personnel maintain significant roles in lower positions. Additionally, officials aligned with Raisi’s administration are expected to be appointed to governorships and other key roles.
The precedent for a military figure as interior minister dates back to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s second government, with the appointment of Mohammad Mostafa Najjar. Before this, interior ministers were typically chosen from the clergy, with few exceptions, such as Ali Mohammad Besharti in Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani’s second government. Sadegh Mahsouli, who served as interior minister during Ahmadinejad’s first term, was also a former IRGC commander.
Ahmad Vahidi, Raisi’s interior minister, is more widely recognized both domestically and internationally compared to Eskandar Momeni and Mohammad Mostafa Najjar, Ahmadinejad’s interior minister.
Vahidi, the first commander of the Quds Force, is wanted by Interpol for his involvement in the 1994 AMIA bombing in Argentina. In contrast, Momeni, a lower-ranking IRGC commander, lacks Vahidi’s notoriety but is expected to preserve the military structure within the Ministry of the Interior.
Politically, Momeni is perceived as compliant and unlikely to challenge the administration, which aligns with Pezeshkian’s preference for maintaining control without internal conflicts.
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